Number 259, January 23, 1997.

LAND ISSUES

The following is a translation of a document prepared by the Movement of Landless Workers (MST) which gives their evaluation of the Brazilian government's agricultural policies during 1996.

Balance of the Situation of Agrarian Reform During 1996.

1. Economic policy and agriculture.

1.1. The agricultural policy of the government.

The agricultural policy of the government of Fernando Henrique Cardoso was totally subordinated to the objectives of the political economy in general and favored steps which seek to open our markets to foreign products as well as stimulating the entrance of foreign capital. Because of this agriculture was totally marginalized in government policies.

It could be said that family farming and the (agrarian reform) settlements received no help from the present government. On the contrary decisions taken in the area of agricultural policy were prejudicial to them such as:

Rural Credit: In the national income, agriculture represents a total of R$78 billion (approximately US $71 billion) -10% of the total national income and reaches 46% if we include agro-industries. In other governments rural credit reached US $15 billion per year. During this year the government released US $4 billion for the middle sized and large properties. For family farms - and there are also 4 million such farms, only 168 thousand received credit which reached a total of R$200 million (approximately US $182 million).

Interest Rates: The interest rates and other charges for money loaned to family farmers was approximately 21%. This rate may seem low when compared to commercial rates. But it represents a high transfer of income from the small property owners to the banks. It is only necessary to compare it with rates paid in London - approximately 5.23% annually, to see this. These rates mean that small farmers are left with no profit.

Exchange rates: The government continues to maintain an unreal exchange rate, over-valuing the national currency in relation to the dollar. The only objective of this is to cheapen imported goods and with the elimination of other custom charges to open the market. Because of this the market was flooded with low priced agricultural merchandise. This has meant a loss to farmers as well as making difficult exportation and has cheapened exported agricultural products.

Price Policy: The government has acted so that the prices of products for the internal market such as milk, pork, grain, fowl etc. are kept down, thus taking income from small farmers who produce such products. The only objective is to maintain the value of the basic food basket low and thus keep the minimum salary as little as US $112 per month. The minimum salary has become one of the lowest in the world. In other words the government erodes the income of small farmers in order to make the ridiculous salaries in the cities viable. This only guarantees high profits for companies.

1.2. The situation of agriculture today.

Because of the political and agricultural policies of the government, agriculture has been hard hit and because of this a social and economic crisis never before experienced in rural areas has affected all producers (large and small) of all products and in all regions. As a consequence the cultivated area in 1996 dropped by 2% when harvested areas are compared to 1980. And the income from the harvest in 1996 was 49% lower than in 1980. The estimate for the next harvest (72 million tons) is equal to the 1980 production.

Because of this, during the first ten months of 1996 the government spent US $2.6 billion with the importation of food products which could have been produced in Brazil. The clearest example of this policy is that Brazil once was the largest exporter of cotton in the world. Today it is the third largest importer - 400 thousand people lost employment in this area.

This agricultural crisis brought more unemployment to rural areas as well as migration and total discouragement, especially of the small farmers.

It is clear that if agriculture is no longer viable there are consequences for rural workers and for those who seek an agrarian reform and who want to live in rural areas.

2. Agreements of President Fernando Henrique Cardoso with the Rural Landless Movement (MST).

In a meeting with the national directorship of the MST on May 02, President Fernando Henrique Cardoso agreed to the following:

- That INCRA (the government land agency) give priority to the settlement of the families in the campments reaching a total of 60 thousand families settled during the year and would give more attention to the states which had the larger number of families in campments.

- That resources for agrarian reform would not be lacking; that an agrarian reform was a priority of his government.

- That the government would mobilize its members to approve four laws being discussed in the Congress favoring agrarian reform.

- That the government would take steps to guarantee the punishment of those responsible for the Carajas massacre.

Unfortunately we have arrived at the end of this year without these agreements of the president being honored.

3. Occupations and campments of the MST.

The MST started 1996 with approximately 22 thousand families in campments. During the year 176 occupations took place on unused ranches mobilizing 45218 families in 21 states where the MST is organized.

This volume of occupations was a record in the history of the MST since in other years around 50 occupations mobilized on average 16 thousand families.

On the other hand we ended the year with 250 campments which had 42682 families in the entire country. We also know that during this year spontaneous occupations multiplied themselves in various states provoked by the social crisis in agriculture or organized by the trade unions or other grass roots movements which support an agrarian reform. Without doubt the number of such occupations and campments (non MST) include more than 15 thousand families.

4. Exappropriations and government settlements.

The government has been using propaganda during the entire year saying that it had completed its quota of settling 60 thousand families during the year.

In fact there has been an improvement when this government is compared to former governments which did practically nothing. The government exappropriated about 2 million hectares this year. However after the publication of the exappropriation order in the official government newspaper (Diario Oficial) with the slowness of INCRA and the lack of financial resources which need to be deposited in the courts within a specified time, only 500 thousand hectares were passed over to INCRA and so were available for agrarian reform projects.

According to INCRA's official figures, 51136 families were settled by mid December. Examining the figures more closely it can be seen that INCRA includes here 18 thousand families who received land in already existing projects. Looking in detail at projects in such states such as Para, Maranhao and Bahia it can be seen that families are being "settled" in projects which existed since 78, 87, 91, etc....

On the other hand, of the 32 thousand families settled in expropriated areas this year there is a large number who already lived in such areas without land titles ("posseiros") and had their situation definitively resolved, which is positive, but which cannot be treated as agrarian reform, because their former situation has not been changed. It can be seen that 45% of these "settled" families are found in areas of agricultural frontiers: Maranhao, Para and Mato Grosso. If these are added to regions in the north the figure reaches 69%. Thus it can be seen, that even if the figures of the government were correct, agrarian reform is taking place in areas of colonization and is not contributing to resolve the grave social situation in northeastern, southern and southeastern regions. In the entire southern region only 1342 families were settled.

According to the MST's evaluation, having analyzed INCRA's figures our estimate is that only approximately 25 thousand families were in fact settled in agrarian reform settlements during 1996.

And this is not just a play with numbers. The government needs to convince itself that propaganda alone will not resolve the problem since the campments really exist and there can be found living witnesses of the fact that nothing has been done and that data is being manipulated.

5. Resources for agrarian reform.

The President of the Republic affirmed that resources would not be lacking but the reality shows that agrarian reform has not been a priority of the government.

In the budget, US $1.5 billion was approved for agrarian reform. 30% of this total would be used for the maintenance of INCRA (salaries, vehicles etc...) and another US $400 million for exappropriations.

Of the resources approved, the government liberated only US $1.251 billion or in other words cut US $264 million. And this money was released little by little which caused serious problems for INCRA when it came to paying for the exappropriations. It is only necessary to remember that by November 30, INCRA had spent only US $862 million and according to the budget had yet a total of US $460 million un-spent.

As well, in the case of the families who had been settled there was a permanent struggle to liberate resources. In the budget estimate, US $100 million had been reserved for production in the Procera program. And the President had promised to increase this amount to US $243 million. There was another US $61 million reserved for development, housing and food.

These resources were released late and did not meet the needs. Each family has a right to US $7.5 thousand for production (from Procera) while a further 4.5 families has a right to a US $1.5 food grant each and a housing grant of US $3 thousand. If in fact INCRA had settled 60 thousand families it would have needed US $720 million for these grants. However, it did not settle all these families nor did it grant sufficient resources for the 25 thousand families it really settled.

6. INCRA's situation.

INCRA continues to be an organization which does not receive priority from the government. It has lost credit. In order to understand this it is only necessary to remember that during the two years in which Fernando Henrique Cardoso has been president, INCRA has had five presidents. Human and financial resources are lacking to make INCRA capable of settling the families as promised by the government. The functionaries are unmotivated and in the states lack of gasoline for the vehicles as well as resources to examine properties is frequent. An advertisement to employ a further 100 procurators and 80 technicians has not succeeded in filling these vacancies. The agency moves very slowly.

7. Rural violence.

Looking at rural violence during 1996 it is obvious that we had serious problems at the beginning of the year because of the political persecution carried out by judges in the Pontal do Paranapanema region which resulted in the unjust imprisonment of four MST leaders. In April the country was shocked by the violence of the military police and the government of the State of Para with the massacre of 19 companions in Carajas.

Following these episodes, due to the indignation caused by the events in the country as well as public demands made on the government, it was obvious that that the violent ranchers as well as the military police were now on the defensive and the number of rural assassinations decreased.

According to a survey carried out by the Pastoral Land Commission, which for the last twenty years has systematically accompanied the question of rural violence, preliminary figures show that 47 people were assassinated in rural areas during 1996. This has been an average figure for recent years. But if we take away the high number (19) massacred in Carajas, the number on a national level fell to 28 in relation to an average of approximately 50 assassinations of rural leaders each year.

Of note within this climate of rural impunity and violence was the assassination on September 06 of the wife of a former deputy in the State of Para, Rejane Guimares, as well as that of human rights lawyer, Francisco Noqueira de Cavalho, in the State of Rio Grande do Norte on October 20. Even though both of these assassinations were not directly related to land conflicts, they show the level of violence which exists.

Finally, on the question of the Carajas massacre, the case is moving very slowly through the courts of Para and has serious defects which indicate that it will not be judged until 2007 and it is not expected that those responsible will be punished. In order that the Brazilian society could be certain that those responsible would be punished a change would be necessary in the laws (such as the Bicudo law project if it were fully approved) as well as well as a more incisive accompaniment of the question by the Federal government.

8. The support of Brazilian society for agrarian reform.

During the year various public opinion surveys were carried out and all showed a high support of society for agrarian reform. All indicated that over 86% of the population supports an agrarian reform. On the other hand the MST was placed in fourth place amongst the institutions enjoying highest credibility in a survey carried out by Vox Populi.

There were also manifestations and repercussions in international public opinion concerning the need for an agrarian reform in Brazil.

Finally, as a result of this support from society, the MST received 17 prizes during 1996 as well as the King Balduino prize, from the King of Belgium as a recognition of our work in favor of development.

A general evaluation of agrarian reform.

Thanks to the organization of rural workers through the MST and other organizations; thanks to the unconditional support which Brazilian society has shown in favor of agrarian reform, the government was forced to speed up steps to resolve rural conflicts. But as yet we are a long way removed from a real agrarian reform which would be carried out on a large scale; which would really benefit 4.8 million landless families; which would eliminate ranchers in our country and which would reorganize the country's agricultural production thus helping to solve the problem of hunger, misery, unemployment, rural exodus and social marginalization in the cities.

In order to achieve a real agrarian reform we believe that we have to face the following enemies:

1. The ranches who yet have much influence with the government, in Congress and with with rural political power.

2. The neo-liberal economic policy of the government which has marginalized agriculture.

3. The lack of priority which the government gives to agrarian reform, which is slow, does not function and is more preoccupied with propaganda than with a real solution for social problems.

Sao Paulo, December 16, 1996.

National Secretariat of the MST.

- Land violence: 3 more deaths.

During the last week a further three deaths have occurred in land conflicts - 2 in the State of Parana and 1 in the State of Para.

In Parana the assassination of 16 year old Vanderlei das Neves and 34 year old Jose Alves dos Santos took place on the Pinhal Ralo ranch in the municipality of Rio Bonito do Iguacu, 388 kms. from the state capital, Curitiba. Jose Ferreira da Silva (38) was seriously injured during on the same occasion. According to a spokesperson of the Landless Movement (MST) the victims were assassinated in an ambush. Evidence shows that the shots were fired at very close range.

The Pinhal Ralo ranch has an area of 82 thousand hectares of which 16.8 thousand were due to be exappropriated on January 23. 2100 landless families occupied the area on April 16, 1996. The Minister for Land Policy, Raul Jungmann, postponed the exappropriation ceremony set for January 23 because he feared incidents during the event.

On January 16, Celio Pantoja Correa was assassinated in the municipality of Moju, Para. A note found in his pocket written by the assassins warned that they would return in two weeks "to cause another earthquake". Since the beginning of January six people have been assassinated in rural conflicts in the state. The federal government announced that it would promote a disarmament campaign in the state with the help of the army and federal police.

A statement form the Catholic Church's Pastoral Land Commission (CPT) on January 16 on the rural violence during the current month commented "We point out factors which have contributed to this wave of violence such as the lack of agility in the implementation of an agrarian reform. Government measures have been very timid and slow when compared to the gravity of the situation. There is an absence of dialogue on the part of the government with grassroots movements involved in the land question. The Ministry of Justice accepts the wide-scale arming of the Democratic Rural Union (UDR) which belongs to the large ranchers as well as impunity which stimulates new crimes against workers. Nobody has been made responsible for massacres such as Corumbiara and Carajas and as things are going it seems as if nobody will be punished.

We demand from the authorities responsible punishment for those guilty of crimes, the end of impunity, the abolition of the private militias and the arms stocks of the ranchers as well as that the implementation of an agrarian reform be given priority".

Meanwhile members of the Landless Rural Movement (MST) have occupied INCRA (the federal government land agency) state headquarters in Rio Grande do Norte, Mato Grosso do Sul and Sao Paulo. 400 MST members occupied INCRA offices in Natal, Rio Grande do Norte on January 15 and held the regional superintendent, Graca Arruda, hostage. Initially INCRA refused to discuss the demands with the landless workers. The rural workers demanded that the exappropriation process of 11 areas in the state be speeded up; that credit be released for those living in agrarian reform settlements and that agricultural advisers be hired to give technical orientation to such settlements. The occupation ended on January 17 when INCRA agreed to discuss the demands with the MST. In Cuiaba, Mato Grosso, 150 people occupied the state headquarters of INCRA on January 23. According to press reports, the group demanded that the exappropriation of three ranches near the city of Caceres be speeded up as well as food for families in the acampments in the state.

The occupation of the INCRA headquarters in Sao Paulo took place on January 21. The 350 members of the MST who occupied the building demanded the liberation of a grant of approximately US $ 4.5 million already promised for investment in infrastructure in agrarian reform settlements. Approximately 400 landless families belonging to the MST occupied during the early hours of January 20 the Santa Terezinha ranch in the municipality of Santo Anastacio. This municipality is situated in the Pontal de Paranapanema region of Sao Paulo which has been the scene of many land conflicts during recent years. The occupation of the Santa Terezinha ranch brought to eight the number of ranches occupied in the Pontal region during this current month.

Such occupations put the federal government in a delicate position because the Minister for Land Policy, Raul Jungmann, has been refusing to meet with the MST for the last several months due to the use of occupation of buildings and ranches by the organization as a tactic to gain demands. The MST enjoys a high level of support amongst the general population at the moment and this may force the government to review its' policies.

VIOLENCE

- Brazilian life-span reduced by four years due to violent deaths.

Violent deaths reduce the expected life-span of Brazilians on average by four years according to a report in the 'Folha de Sao Paulo' on January 19. The report uses a wide-ranging definition to define violent deaths and includes here deaths caused by factors such as suicide, drug over-doses, drownings and road accidents.

In the case of males in the south-east life expectancy has been reduced from 67 to 63 years because of such deaths. 42% of the total Brazilian population lives in this region. The existence of large urban centers and the extensive road net-works in this region raise the number of violent deaths. A study carried out by demographer, Celso Bastos, of the Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics (IBGE) shows that many of the advantages achieved by Brazil in eliminating infant mortality have been canceled by violent deaths, often of adults.

In 1980 such violent deaths were responsible for 10.8% of the total deaths of males and 3.5% of the deaths of females. The 1994 figures stood at 16.6% and 4.5% respectively. In real numbers this meant that in 1994 in Brazil, 29014 people were assassinated and 32350 died in road accidents. In fact Celso Simoes suspects that there are more violent deaths than those registered. He believes that in poorer regions of the country many deaths are not reported or in many cases details are not correctly registered.

A report on violence in the municipality of Sao Paulo this week left room for optimism. It showed that the number of assassinations in the municipality fell by 3% during 1996 - 4826 as compared to 4990 during 1995. Assassinations began to decrease in March after a record number for February - 472. Preliminary analysis of the data suggests that the decrease in assassinations may be due to a new policy of policing on the part of the state government. More police were sent to the more violent areas of the city.

Because of this new policy some poorer neighborhoods such as Jardim Angela in the southern region of the city saw the number of assassinations fall from 200 in 1995 to 170 in 1996. This neighborhood had been the Sao Paulo champion in assassination for a number of years. In other poor periphery neighborhoods the number increased - Brasilandia is a case in point where the number increased by 40 during last year. On the other hand upper class neighborhood such as Moema and Vila Mariana also saw a decline in the number of assassinations.

CHURCHES

- Summer course for lay Church leaders.

A two week course known as "the summer course" in Brazilian Church circles started on January 13 in the theatre of the Catholic University in Sao Paulo and will continue until January 25. This is the tenth year of the existence of the ecumenical course and slightly more than 500 people - all with leadership positions in Brazilian Churches are participating. The vast majority of the participants are from the Catholic Basic Ecclesial Communities.

This year's theme is "For an ethic of liberty and liberation". The ethic theme will be followed in 1998 by spirituality and the 1999 theme will deal with cultures and inculturation. The material being offered by the theological experts to the participants has already been published in late 1996 as a collection of essays. The lectures and other activities during the course are being filmed and will be available on video. Both the book and video will later be used in many Church communities to promote formation and discussion in this area.

Commenting on the course, the coordinator Father Oscar Beozzo recalled that "year after year people leave every corner of the country and come together at the course to share experiences. The methodology is to use a theme which is discussed and reflected and in this way the participants are prepared to serve their communities better". Father Beozzo also commented that the methodology used during all the courses to date has been very important not only for the transmission of information but as a means of formation for those participating.

INDIGENOUS ISSUES

- Recent newsletters from the Indigenous Missionary Council (CIMI).

Newsletter n. 243

INTERNATIONAL AGENCIES REQUEST REVIEW

OF DECISION ON RAPOSA/SERRA DO SOL AREA

Survival International and the OXFAM and the CAFOD international cooperation agencies, headquartered in London, sent letters to president Fernando Henrique Cardoso requesting an urgent review of a decision made by the Ministry of Justice in December on the demarcation of the Raposa/Serra do Sol indigenous area. According to OXFAM and CAFOD, that decision "does not promote the development of the state of Roraima and does not benefit any the different groups which make up its population". Survival criticizes the government of Roraima, highlighting that since it has not been able to control invasions of the Yanomami area, "it is very unlikely that it will prevent new invasions of the Raposa/Serra do Sol area, considering that has been one of the main opponents of its demarcation and has often tried to reduce and divide that area".

The agencies fear that invaders of indigenous areas may seek support from the government to remain there. They criticize the federal administration, as in their opinion the decision on the Raposa area shows that the Brazilian government, in addition to disregarding the need to protect indigenous lands, is not committed to ensuring the basic rights of indigenous peoples. According to Survival, the government paved the way for reducing indigenous area in Brazil "in tune with the purposes of Decree 1,775". The Indigenous Council of Roraima (CIR) has been receiving many messages of solidarity from Brazil and abroad and expects to have the decision annulled until the final administrative rule declaring the bounds of that area in issued. A commission of CIR representatives had a meeting with the minister of Justice, Nelson Jobim, in Brasilia to explain why the entity is against the decision in question.

SARARE OPERATION FINDS OUT THAT INDIGENOUS

AREA IS BEING DEVASTATED

Mining activities caused the devastation of 1/3 of the 67,420-hectare Sarare indigenous area, which was invaded by almost 12,000 persons, including miners, woodcutters and people who made their living around them. This is the conclusion reached by officials of the State Environment Foundation and of the Brazilian Institute for the Environment and Renewable Natural Resources (Ibama), who have been in the area since the 11th of this month to carry out the to remove invaders from it. Instead of a thick forest, they found 20 to 40-meter deep craters and many felled trees. In Funai's opinion, it is a calamity and in various parts of the region only nature could recover the soil.

Representatives of the agencies in charge of the operation are acting cautiously and set a four-day deadline for the invaders to leave the area spontaneously. The Federal Police will begin to notify and arrest invaders and seize their equipment on Wednesday, the 15th. This phase may last fifteen days. Information got about that 6,000 miners have already left the area, but some of them are hiding their equipment in nearby farms and plan to return when the police leave. Those in charge of coordinating the operation are impressed with the situation of extreme poverty among miners. Many of them are infected with one disease or another, such as malaria, because of the poor food they eat and the contamination of the rivers by mercury. According to the superintendent of the Federal Police, Claudio Luiz da Rosa, most of them came from old gold fields in Serra Pelada, state of Para, and from the Yanomami area, state of Amazonas.

Brasilia, 17 January 1997.

Newsletter n. 244

GUARANI-KAIOWA REMAIN EXPELLED FROM THE SUCURIY AREA

The Guarani-Kaiowa from the Sucuriy area, located in the state of Mato Grosso do Sul, have not found a means to return to the indigenous area, from which they were expelled on December 23. They were expelled from the area by order of farmer Sebastiao Alves Marcondes two days after the Kaiowa tried to take possession of the 500-hectare territory which was demarcated in May 1996. The farmer, who claims to be the owner of the land, is supported by the new mayor of the municipality of Maracaju, by the lawyer of the city hall, and by the president of the Rural Union of the municipality. Upon being called to settle the issue, the Federal Police informed the Indians that they needed a court authorization - a writ of delivery - to return to the area, a requirement which is both unprecedented and absurd.

Indigenist Walter Coutinho, from Funai in Brasilia, informed Cimi that the practice of the agency is to ensure the right of the farmer to the area until the land is registered, which may happen after many years. It is, to say the least, a strange position, as the agency is supposed to take care of the interests of the Indians and ensure the right of the community to take possession of the area in question. It means that the Indians will only manage to live in the already demarcated land by acting on their initiative, as happened in the Jarara and Jaguapire areas of the same people last year. The lawyer of the farmer is gathering the necessary documents to contest the demarcation of the Sucuriy area.

RECOVERY OF THE SARARE AREA

MOBILIZES INDIANS AND INDIGENISTS

Funai will request funds from Prodeagro (Agro-Environmental Development Project of Mato Grosso), financed by the World Bank, to recover the Sarare indigenous area in the state of Mato Grosso. Because the environmental issue is the main component of the project, the recovery of the Sarare area is imperative. Discussions are already being held in this connection, but a final decision will depend on the mobilization of society, indigenists and the Indians themselves. The greatest concern, however, is to protect the area. Other Nambikwara, Xavante and Pareci Indians will help to protect it against new invasions and to find mining equipment hidden in remote locations. What is expected is that this will be the last Sarare Operation to remove the invaders who along the years only tend to grow. In 1993, 4,000 invaders were removed from the area, and this time the figure was approximately 10,000.

FUNAI'S ADMINISTRATOR IS REMOVED

FROM HIS POST FOR IRREGULARITIES

Indigenist Virgilio Clemente da Silva, Funai's administrator in Amambai, state of Mato Grosso do Sul, was removed from the agency because of suspected irregularities in work contracts between Indians and sugar mills in the region. The administrative rule removing the administrator from his post - for 30 days - was issued on December 20. Meanwhile, Funai's regional office will be managed by a provisional administrator. Funai acted as intermediary in the process of establishing 4,000 work contracts for Indians, mostly Guarani-Kaiowa and Terena, and charges a service fee for this which, at least theoretically, should be given to the indigenous communities. The Regional Labor Department (DRT), which should control and inspect such activities, says it never received copies of the contracts, facilitating the exploitation of slave labor and other irregularities. Cimi has been denouncing this situation in Mato Grosso do Sul for at least four years and warns that certain individuals may be deriving advantages from it. Funai in Brasilia said it was informed about these accusations only recently.

Brasilia, 23 January 1997

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