Number 281, July 24, 1997.

SOCIAL ISSUES

- Police versus army.

Police unrest over salary increases provoked various protests throughout Brazil during the last week and caused the Governor of Alagoas to request a six months leave of absence from office. In the latter incidence police and soldiers opened fire on each other - 13 people were injured; 3 by bullet wounds.

In the case of Alagoas, 15 thousand protesters led by military and civil police surrounded the state legislature on July 17. Most of the protesters were public functionaries many of whom have not been paid for up to six months. The legislature was being protected by 250 soldiers. At the time of the protest, 26 of the 27 state deputies - many of them armed, were discussing the impeachment of Governor Divaldo Suruagy. A number of protesters managed to break the army barrier when the mayor of the state capital Maceio, Katia Born, entered to talk with the army commanders. The scene which followed during the following ten minutes appeared as a hand to hand battle on TV news reports during the day. The soldiers opened fire (later the army claimed that the shots were fired into the air) and police drew their guns.

Shortly after mid-day the governor announced that he was taking a six months' leave of absence. Many commentators expect that he will not re-assume office at the end of this period. The vice-governor, Manoel Gomes de Barros, took over as governor. The federal government immediately made credit available to the State of Alagoas but on conditions which in essence amount to a federal intervention in the state. Military police in the state have been on strike since July 11; civil police went on strike two days later. Several bank raids have taken place during this period.

Other states also witnessed widespread police unrest during recent days. In the State of Pernambuco, military police started a strike on July 16 and on July 18 the military police in the State of Mato Grosso do Sul also went on strike. In the latter state a wave of assassinations in the capital, Campo Grande, marked the first week-end of the police strike - 12 people were assassinated. After a protest march with the participation of at least 2500 military police in Campo Grande, the government decided to negotiate. The negotiations led to a pay increase and the suspension of the strike in the state on July 22.

On July 20, the army started to patrol the streets of Recife (state capital of Pernambuco) and Maceio (Alagoas). In the former city bank robbers seriously wounded a 22 year old soldier, Walber Mendes de Andrade, who was on partol outside a bank which they held up on July 23. On July 17 at least 6 thousand military police of the State of Rio Grande do Sul, marched in a protest in the capital, Porto Alegre, demanding a pay increase of 104%. On the following day an estimated 3500 civil police organized a protest march also in Porto Alegre. A strike announced by military police in Rio Grande do Sul for July 23 was canceled at the last moment; the civil police in the state however decided to go ahead with their strike. On July 23 approximately 150 discontented police and other government functionaries demanding salary raises invaded the Legislative Assembly of Rio Grande do Sul. In Sao Paulo the highway police refused to fine motorists as and from July 18 in a move to achieve a pay increase. Here following a protest march on July 21, the civil police decided to go on strike; the date of the strike will be decided at an assembly on July 25. In the State of Goias military police went on strike on July 22. On the afternoon of July 23, almost 2 thousand police organized a protest march through the center of Rio de Janeiro demanding a pay increase of 84.62%

LAND ISSUES

- State marches of landless begin.

Marches organized by the Movement of Rural Landless Workers (MST) programmed to arrived in various state capitals on July 25 (Rural Workers' Day in Brazil) started last week-end. In each state the style of organization differs slightly.

In Sao Paulo the march is entitled ''Open your eyes Brazil'' and set out from 12 different points of the state. Here the MST is joined by the unemployed and those campaigning for houses. Large organizations involved in the organization include the Sole Workers' Congress (CUT), the National Union of Students (UNE), the Congress of Grass Roots Movements and the Catholic Church. The marchers are protesting the lack of social policies of the federal government.

In the State of Rio Grande do Sul on July 22, 800 members of the MST occupied a 370 hectare area recently exappropriated by the state government in the municipality of Gravatai and given to General Motors as a site for the construction of a car assembly plant. The MST demanded that before they leave the area the government should make available for agrarian reform projects 15% (approximately US $34 million) of what it had paid to General Motors as an incentive to come to the state. This grant was in the region of US $225 million. The area was surrounded by 500 military police who left after the local judge, Glaucia Morandini, issued a court order giving the MST 48 hours to leave the area. As the police left a number of them applauded the MST - during recent police unrest the MST has been one of the national organizations which strongly defended their revendications.

In the State of Para, the landless plan to march from Maraba to Belem. Here the MST is demanding that INCRA (the federal government land agency) fulfill its' promise and provide areas for the settlement of the landless. The State of Minas Gerais has planned two marches of the landless - one is expected to arrive in Governador Valadares on July 25 and the second in Uberlandia. In the State of Parana, two thousand landless plan to march to the capital, Curitiba. Here one of the principal items demanded is the granting of funds already promised for the settlement of 8500 landless families. It is expected that the marchers will be joined by police demanding salary increases on July 25 in a number of states.

CHURCHES

- Brazilian government organized campaign so that well known bishop would not be awarded Nobel Peace Prize.

A report in the 'Folha de Sao Paulo' on July 20 claims that the government of Emilio Medeci (1969-74) organized a secret campaign to have the name of the then Archbishop of Recife, Dom Helder Camara withdrawn from the list of candidates for the Nobel Peace Prize. Archbishop Camara who today is 88 and lives in retirement was well known at the time internationally for his human rights campaigns and outspoken criticism of the Brazilian military governments. The Folha report is based on a book written by historian Nelson Piletti and sociologist Walter Praxedes entitled ''Dom Helder Camara - Entre o Poder e a Profecia'' (Dom Helder Camara - Between Power and Prophecy) which is due to be published next month by the Atica publishing company. The authors hold that Brazilian governmental authorities at the time feared that Dom Helder could easily become an ideal opposition candidate in the presidential election. The military government at the time forbade that Dom Helder's name be published in any newspaper.

The Folha report claims that the Medeci government used its' Oslo embassy to set in motion a secret campaign against the candidature of Dom Helder for the peace prize. The embassy worked on at least two fronts. It planted defamatory reports about Dom Helder in Norwegian papers and it lobbied influential members of the Nobel Commission who had been appointed by the Norwegian government against Bishop Camara's candidature. On both fronts the embassy reputedly used a Norwegian industrialist, Tore Munch, who had factories in Brazil and died in the late 1970s.

Telegrams from the Brazilian ambassador in Oslo to the Brazilian government show that Mr. Munch appointed a journalist in the daily newspaper 'Morgenposten' (of which he was owner) to cast doubts on the appropriateness of Dom Helder's name as a candidate for the Nobel Peace Prize - he was one of the strongest candidates at the time. Much of the material used by the journalist was allegedly supplied by Julio de Mesquito Neto, the director and owner of the 'O Estado de Sao Paulo'. On another level the Folha claims that Mr. Munch had considerable influence. He enjoyed a personal friendship with two key members of the committee which selected the winners - banker Sjur Lindebraekke and the president of the Norwegian Congress, Bernt Ingvaldsen. Through them he is accused by the Folha report of having presented information against Dom Helder to the committee.

Mr. Munch also provided the Brazilian embassy with internal information from the committee on the real chances of Dom Helder being selected as a Peace Prize winner. For example in a report given to the ambassador in 1971, Mr. Munch revealed the way in which each member of the committee would be likely to vote. According to this report, Willy Brandt (the then Chancellor of Germany) would have the votes of Aase Lionaes (the president of the committee) as well as Mr. Ingvaldsen and Mr. Lindebraekke. On the other hand he reported that Dom Helder had the support of Judge Helge Refsum and of the President of the Norwegian Institute of Foreign Policy, John Sannes. Mr. Munch's inside information seems to have been confirmed that year (1971) when the prize was awarded to Mr. Brandt. In 1970 scientist Norman Borlaug won the prize - Dom Helder had also been a strong contender that year. In 1972 no prize-winner was announced and in 1973 the prize was divided by US Secretary of State Henry Kissinger and Le Duc To from Vietnam.

VIOLENCE

- Drug traffickers hire mercenaries.

According to the 'Folha de Sao Paulo' of July 21 drug trafficking bosses in the Greater Rio de Janeiro area have set up mercenary groups to attack or defend shanty towns (favelas). In return they receive not only money but also drugs and sometimes a share in the sale profits of drugs. The report claims that there are at least three proven cases in recent months in which such gangs attacked favelas in the northern region of the city as well as in neighboring Niteroi.

The gangs were organized by a number of the more powerful drug bosses of the Rio urban area. Even though many of these bosses have been imprisoned the gangs which they mounted continue to sell their services to less powerful groups. In most cases the mercenaries work for traffickers who want to win from their opponents areas where drugs are sold. After winning the area, the group boss frequently leaves a number of the gang members living in the favela to ensure that he will receive the percentage of the drugs profits promised by the group who wished to expand their points of drugs sale. They also serve as security guards for traffickers whose lives are being threatened.

One such group was mounted by trafficker Magno Fernando de Souza, known as Magno da Mangueira. This group has approximately 150 very well armed members. Police authorities claim that this group has training sessions, many of them based on combat tactics shown in specialist videos. When the chief of another such group in the Vigario Geral favela, Ulisses, was arrested last month he claimed that his group had participated in 31 armed attacks of favelas in the Greater Rio area during recent months. A member of another such group arrested last week in the Borel favela in the northern region of Rio de Janeiro claimed that he was earning just under US $1000 per week for his services.

INDIGENOUS ISSUES

- Newsletter of the Indigenous Missionary Council (CIMI).

Newsletter n. 269

ANOTHER PRESIDENT OF FUNAI RESIGNS

The resignation of Julio Gaiger from the presidency of Funai did not surprise groups which are keeping track of the Indianist policy adopted in the country. Gaiger had been in office since March 1996. His resignation was announced by the minister of Justice, Iris Resende. The problems and isolation of Gaiger could be clearly felt for some time. He was also affected by his inability to negotiate with indigenous peoples, as he often refused to dialogue with and recognize important leaders who tried to be heard by him.

The former president of Funai blamed his situation on the Xavante (state of Mato Grosso) - who wanted him out since October - and on president Fernando Henrique Cardoso, accusing him of having restricted the indigenous issue to a land problem, in order to appease the international public opinion. A Brazilian radio station compared the position of president of Funai to that of a soccer coach, because of its high turnover. Gaiger was the third president of the agency under the Fernando Henrique administration.

In Cimi's opinion, Gaiger's complaints to the press are ungrounded. The entity believes his resignation will not change the situation of indigenous peoples in any way. He played a key role in making the decree 1,775/96 feasible and in upholding it, thereby ensuring the present guidelines of the official Indianist policy. Although Gaiger says that minister Jobim managed to settle indigenous land issues, Cimi denounces that the decree 1,775 favoured private interests to the detriment of indigenous populations, as it enhanced land conflicts and multiplied the number of lawsuits filed against the demarcation of indigenous lands.

The Ministry of Justice admits that the provisions of Decree 1,775/96 could be improved. Such possibility was mentioned at a meeting held at the ministry on the 16th with representatives of the 3rd Brazil Shout for Land movement, which was also attended by Cimi and Capoib (Council for the Articulation of Indigenous Peoples and Organizations of Brazil) representatives. Irritated with the criticism voiced by the two entities, the representatives of minister Iris Resende requested suggestions from Cimi as to how the Decree could be improved.

PANKARARU THREATEN TO DESTROY ENERGY TOWERS

The Pankararu Indians in the state of Pernambuco are ready to burn power transmission towers in 60 days if actions to remove invaders from their demarcated 8,100-hectare indigenous area in the municipalities of Petrolandia and Tacaratu are not taken by then. If the towers, which belong to the Paulo Afonso Power Plant (Bahia), are burned, six states in the Brazilian Northeast may remain without electricity: Pernambuco, Alagoas, Paraiba, Rio Grande do Norte, Ceara and Maranhao. The Pankararu are adopting the same line of action as that of the Krikati in Maranhao, who in February of this year destroyed two transmission towers belonging to the Tucurui power plant and thereby managed to have their lands demarcated.

The conflict between the Pankararu and squatters has been going on for 40 years. 483 families will be receiving an indemnification amounting to 4.3 million dollars for improvements they made in the land they occupied. In February of this year, they occupied Funai's office in Recife, capital of the state of Pernambuco, to claim damages.

PRIVATIZATION OF FORESTS IS

CRITICIZED BY ENVIRONMENTALIST GROUPS

The plans of the Brazilian government to privatize the exploitation of public forests were strongly criticized by environmentalists such as federal deputy Fernando Gabeira (Green Party - Rio de Janeiro), Greenpeace members and Roberto Smeraldi, a World Bank consultant who is a member of the Friends of the Earth organization. The decision was announced by the president of the Brazilian Institute for the Environment and Renewable Natural Resources (Ibama), Eduardo Martins. The area to be privatized is called Flora Tapajos and covers 5,000 hectares in Santarem, state of Para. The winning bidder will be allowed to exploit timber in the area for five years.

The main criticism voiced by the World Bank consultant is that the period during which companies will be allowed to exploit timber in that area is too short, as native species such as Andiroba (crab-tree) and Tabiuba take 30-35 years to grow again. According to Smeraldi, the period is shorter than the growth cycle of the trees and, moreover, once it expires, the company will return completely degraded lands to the government which will be much more subject to erosion. A World Bank mission which visited the area was warned by local communities that they won't be able to plant anything in it anymore if a private corporation takes over.

The director of Greenpeace in Brazil, Robert Kristin, said that the idea was copied from the United States, Canada and parts of Europe, where it works because effective inspection mechanisms are in place, where as in Brazil the activities of woodcutters are practically not inspected at all. Deputy Fernando Gabeira fears that the proposal will destroy forests.

In Cimi's opinion, the Brazilian government is privatizing forests to facilitate the action of the same timber companies and woodcutters who have been plundering the region. The decision will show how ineffective the inspectors of the federal administration are and will, in practice, lead to a greater degradation of the environment. It will also show that this privatization effort is in tune with the neoliberal model being implemented in Brazil, which stimulates even more the concentration of large environmental areas under the control of private corporations.

Brasilia, 17 July 1997

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