Number 461, December 14, 2001.
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Dear Sejup Readers:
In keeping with our new format this week SEJUP focuses on the latest Human Rights report on Violence in Brazil with an analysis of the indigenous situation and an update on the situation in Roraima and Bahia.
HUMAN RIGHTS REPORT PROVIDES AN X-RAY PICTURE OF VIOLENCE IN BRAZIL
On Wednesday, December 5, the Social Justice and Human Rights Network launched in São Paulo and Rio de Janeiro at the same time the "Report on Human Rights in Brazil - 2001". The research work, which was carried out jointly with 23 entities engaged in the social and popular movement in Brazil, including Cimi, provides an X-ray picture of the urban and rural violence in Brazil this year, in addition to addressing the terrorism of the State and prospects for global justice. The foreword of the report is signed by dom Paulo Evaristo Arns. Cimi´s executive secretary, Egon Heck, attended the ceremony in which the report was launched in São Paulo.
During this ceremony, the authors of the report said that violence had increased considerably in Brazil, particularly against indigenous peoples. They highlighted that the situation got worse as a result of the policy presently adopted by the federal administration and by its inaction to ensure respect for human rights. In the case of indigenous peoples, the aggression and violence continues to be caused by the failure of the federal administration to demarcate and ensure their lands and protect the natural resources contained in them.
The "Report on Human Rights - 2001" is divided into five sections. The first chapter addresses torture in the Armed Forces, spying activities of the Army and the death and disappearance of political activists. The second chapter, called "Urban Violence and Justice," focuses on the judgment of those responsible for the Carandiru Massacre, on the acquittal of the police officers involved in the slaughter of São Bernardo do Campo and on the violence with which protests against the creation of Alca (Free Commercial Trade Zone of the Americas) were repressed at the Paulista Avenue in the city of São Paulo.
The third chapter addresses the struggle for land, acts of violence against rural workers in southern and southeastern Pará, slave labor, the judgment of the police officer accused of being responsible for the Massacre of Eldorado do Carajás and the impunity that prevailed in the judgment of the murder of Margarida Alves, the leader of a rural workers´ union. This chapter focuses on acts of violence against indigenous peoples and on the consequences of large projects.
The fourth chapter, which deals with issues related to Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, highlights the claims of Afro-Brazilian movements at the World Conference Against Racism, the struggle of communities of former slaves, racial inequalities and the status of working women.
The Report on Human Rights ends with a chapter called "The Era of rights in times of terror," where the national and international scenario is analyzed in relation to human rights in the globalization era.
Source: ADITAL, 12/09/01
Analysis of the Indigenous Situation:
What follows is an analysis of the indigenous situation in Brazil according to CIMI from their 14th National Assembly that consisted of 105 delegates and 15 indigenous leaders. The Assembly listed the advances and difficulties encountered by indigenous groups in Brazil over the last decades:
"In the 1970´s, the poorly titled "Brazilian miracle decade" of forced development and violence of the military dictatorship, indigenous people demanded the recognition of their existence, their land, their right to life and a respect for their cultures. In this period, in which innumerous indigenous peoples suffered grave risks of extermination, there occured articulations and interethnic assemblies that pointed to a new and aggressive indigenous assertion.
In the 1980´s, the so called "lost decade", indigenous people advanced in their conquest in mobilizing and uniting. They participated in the articulation of the chapter in the Federal Constitution that introduced the constitutional concept of respect for ethnic and cultural diversity rather than an integration perspective.
In the 1990´s, the decade of "social exclusion", many indigenous peoples emerged, and some retook possession of and amplified their lands. They also participated and demanded the control of public policies that directly affect thier communities. Today, this process continues with even more vigor.
The "March and Conference of the Indigenous People and Organizations of Brazil" held in April of 2000 which culminated with episodes of military police repression in Coroa Vermelha, Bahia, was emblematic of this historic moment. On the one hand, more than 3,600 leaders of 140 indigenous peoples, with their allies from the popular moments, showed the force and dignity of those excluded from the neoliberal project. On the other hand, the presidents of Brazil and Portugal, protected by thousands of soldiers of the army, marine, and air force, commemorated the 500 years of colonial invasion. Along with the violence against the indigenous people, the fiasco was one more symbol of the ethical and political shipwreck of the federal government´s policies.
In upcoming decades, indigenous people are faced with many challenges:
-The threat of non-demarcation of land and the weakening of the integrity of indigenous territories.
Today, of the 756 existing indigenous lands, only 251 have been demarcated, legally ratified and registered. The other 505 lands are completely exposed to invaders and exploiters.
-The threat of approval of the National Congress of the Statues of Indigenous People that will reduce rights already recongized and open indigenous lands to national and international capital.
-The threat of military initiatives on the fronteirs, creating cities and barracks that are true colonial enclaves on indigenous lands, and that threaten human lives, principally women and indigenous leadesrs.
-The threat of instituitionalizing repression in Brazilian society, when the federal government gives power to the army police, as it tries to create a national guard, and maintain a network of military informants throughtout the country, spying on popular movments and indigenous groups who are considered "adverse forces" or "internal enemies."
-The threat of ALCA (Area of Free Commerce in the Americas) and other megaprojects such as hidroelectric dams or ecotourism, that intend to open roads with access to the natural resources and biodiversity of indigenous territories, passing the control and profits to large multinational groups.
-The threat of innumerous governmental and private business initiatives that intend to integrate indigenous peoples and territories into the neoliberal market, coopting leaders and bringing competition, exploitation, division and social-cultural disintegration to the communities. This threat puts in grave risk the continuity of the existence of indigenous peoples.
In commemorating 30 years of existence of CIMI, we commit ourselves to continue to work toward justice for indigenous groups. The theme of the National Fraternal Campaign in 2002 is "Fraternidade e Povos Indigenous: Por Uma Terra Sem Males" (Brother/Sisterhood and Indigenous Peoples: For a Land Without Evils". We will continue to demand a break with the past of exploitation and death to construct another different 500 years. We affirm that it is not enough to have superficial changes in Brazilian society nor small agreements from the elites for "slow, gradual" transitions. We will continue to demand the necessary redical transformations in our society and to dream a work toward a
just society for all."
Source: CIMI, Nov. 20, 2001
Update on Indigenous Situation in the state of Roraima:
Brazil´s indigenous population totals approximately 500,000 as compared with an estimated 5,000,000 at the arrival of the first Europeans. There are 225 indigenous groups in Brazil speaking 180 different languages. According to a 1995 study by the Institute of Tropical Medicine of Manaus, life expectation for indigenous is 42,6 years as compared to 67 years for non-indigenous Brazilians. Brazil´s constitution recognizes the rights of indigenous communities to their own social organi-zations, customs, and to the exclusive occupation and use of their traditional lands. The Constitution requires the government to identify indigenous lands and protect them from outside interference (demarcation). The Constitution set a deadline of October 1993 for the demarcation of all indigenous lands, but this was not met and a majority of indigenous lands not only are not demarcated but have been invaded by timber or mineral companies, local politicians or poor rural workers in search of land. Violence against indigenous people has increased over the years, mainly because of the invasions of their lands.
Roraima, Brazil´s northernmost state, has been the scene of one of the greatest number of indigenous deaths in Brazil in recent years. Best known is the situation of the Yanomami, who have lost thousands of members to hunger and disease because of the invasion of their territory by goldminers. Over the past months, Davi Kopenawa, the leader of the Yanomami has denounced the sexual abuse of Yanomami women and young girls by members of the Brazilian army who are camped on Yanomami territory.
There are approximately 36,000 indigenous in Roraima including 8,000 Yanomami, 11,000 Makuxi 5,000 Wapixana, 1,000 Ingarikó, 300 Taurepang, and other smaller tribes. The Roraima Indigenous Council (CIR) is elected in assembly by members of these indigenous tribes and for the last 15 years has been denouncing the ongoing campaign of violence against the indigenous waged largely by local ranchers with the support of the Roraima state police. In Raposa-Serra do Solsa, where the Makuxi, Wapixana, Ingarikó and Taurepang indigenous groups live, there are at least 189 illegal ranches as well as goldminers. Makuxi Indians have complained to FUNAI (the National Indian Foundation) and the Justice Department about unauthorized imprisonments and deaths of Indians in the area, the spreading of disease by gold miners and the poisoning of the rivers. Ranchers have conducted a violent campaign to drive the Indians off their land by burning down their homes, restricting their movements, and destroying fences and cattle corrals.
Illegal Military Operations on indigenous lands:
The Indigenous Council of Roraima (CIR) denunced two new military actions this week (Dec. 8, 2001) to try and intimidate the indigenous peoples of the Raposa/Serra do Sol area in Roraima. The actions showed how the military have no respect for the indigenous peoples of the region.
According to reports provided by leaders of the Surumu and Uiramutã communities, since November 22 the 1st Infantry Brigade of the Army has sent a platoon of about 500 heavily armed soldiers to the indigenous land under the argument that they are carrying out training maneuvers on the border. The military maneuvers, which are called "Operation Hunter 2," cover the states of Roraima, Amazonas, Pará and Acre.
In the state of Roraima, the military maneuvers are being carried out in the municipality of Uiramutã, exactly in the area where the controversy over the establishment of the 6º Special Border Platoon (PEF) has taken place. The leaders report that the indigenous communities feel threatened and scared. CIR has protested against the initiative of the Army and describes it as a new modality of invasion, considering that the indigenous communities had not even been informed about the arrival of the troops to the region. According to CIR, the strong presence of the Army in the region is intended to intimidate the communities that resist the implementation of the 6th PEF. After CIR´s reaction, the 1st Brigade reported that the platoon would be moving around in the communities of Maturuca, Lage, Willimon and Uiramutã, "coincidentally" the villages that more strongly resist the implementation of the Platoon.
Illegal Arrest of Romualdo Afonso:
The illegal arrest of Romualdo Afonso, who lives in the Willimon village, on Tuesday, December 4, was another military action that shocked the indigenous peoples of Roraima. According to indigenous leaders, Romualdo was with other indigenous people trying to locate 7,500 buriti palm leaves they had gathered in a joint work when they were approached by military police officers. They were then taken to a police station in the municipality of Uiramutã for a long and humiliating interrogation session, after which Romualdo was arrested. CIR reports that the indigenous man was beaten.
The entity sent a letter to the president of Funai, Glênio Alvarez, reporting the incident and requesting the interference of the agency and of the ministry of Justice to transfer the indigenous man to the capital of the State, Boa Vista, for a corpus delicti examination. CIR also reported to the president of Funai that the Federal Police refused to comply with the request made by the local Funai office to transfer the indigenous man from the village to the capital. For the indigenous community, the arrest of Romualdo Afonso is a shocking case of arbitrariness and abuse of authority, considering that he was arrested without any arrest warrant and had not been formally accused of any crime. CIR will request a strict investigation of the abuse of authority by the Military Police of Uiramutã.
Source: Cidanet, Adital 12/8/01
Indigenous Situtation of the Pataxó Peoples in Bahia:
Violence in Bahia Against the Indigenous People Pataxó and Pataxó Hã-Hã-Hãe continues to grow. Rancers and farmers have invaded more indigenous territory.
Impunity and the slowness of the justice system show a chronology of terror against the Pataxó indigenous people that has caused the deaths of 12 indigenous leaders in the past yyears. The Pataxó have suffered from invasions on their lands, arbitrary imprisonments, constant threats and assassination.
A fA few of the cases are illustrated here:
· In 1983, Antônio Júlio da Silva was shot and killed by gunfighters sent by the rancher Marcus Wanderley.
· In Nov. 1986, the indigenous village of São Lucas was invaded by gunmen and well-armed soldiers of the Military Police. The indigenous leadres, Jacinto Rodrigues e José Pereira were assassinated. A new-born baby also died in the conflict when her mother tried to flee from the bullets.
· In March 1988, Djalma Souza Lima was found dead after having been kidnapped from his home. His body showed signs of torture, castration, and burning.ed, andtindiand tortured..
· In Dec.1988, the Pataxó Hã-Hã-Hãe leader, João Cravim, 29 years old and the father of three children was brutally assassinated.
· On April 20, 1997, the brother of João Cravim, Galdino Jesus dos Santos, was burned alive at a bus stop in Brasília by 5 young people. Galdino was with a group of leaders meeting with the Justice Department to demarcate and regulate the lands of the Pataxó Hã-Hã-Hãe.
The struggle of the Pataxó and Pataxó Hã-Hã-Hãe peoples to live without violence and for the recuperation of their lands and the protection of the natural resources on them continues!
Source: CIMI, Dec. 8, 2001
PLEASE JOIN US IN A LETTER-WRITING CAMPAIGN TO PRESIDENT FERNANDO HENRIQUE CARDOSO FOR THE IMMEDIATE DEMARCATION OF INDIGENOUS LANDS.
Excellency:
Mr. President Fernando Henrique Cardoso
Fax: (55) (0--61) 4112222
E-mail: pr@planalto.gov.br
Considering the past five centuries of physical and cultural aggression against indigenous peoples, expropriation of their territories and denial of their rights, we believe that the Brazilian government should legalize the situation of all indigenous lands immediately as an essential measure.
The brutal violence still being faced by the Yanomami, Makuxi, Wapixana, Ingarikó, Taurepang, Pataxó and Pataxó Hã-Hã-Hãe peoples is the main symbol of this centuries old history of prevailing injustice.
We know that of the 594 indigenous areas that have been recognized, only 279 have been legalized, 170 are still being demarcated, and 145 haven't even begun to be demarcated. Moreover, according to surveys carried out by the Indianist Missionary Council (Cimi), at least 200 other areas have not been recognized so far.
The indigenous peoples want the Brazilian government to ensure their right to live in legally demarcated areas, and so do we.
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