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Brazil Justice Net

An alternative news source in Brazil,  building bridges to social movements working for a better world


NEWS FROM BRAZIL
supplied by Brazil Justice Net
Number 593, July 9, 2008

Visit our home page at:  http://www.braziljusticenet.org

In this week's News from Brazil:
Documents from Public Ministry reveal a plan to get rid of the MST
,by Miguel Stedile

Evicting squatters from abandoned lands, prohibiting encamped families from any movement, using violence to disrupt protests, turning the leadership and the social movements into criminals.  These scenes, going on in Rio Grande do Sul for the last two years, are part of a strategy of the State Public Ministry (Ministério Público Estadual ­ MPE) and of the Military Brigade to do away with the Landless Movement (Movimento Sem Terra ­ MST).  The accusations were released in a public hearing on June 24 and are based on the minutes of the High Council of the MPE of Rio Grande do Sul.

On December 3, 2007 the Council approved a report from prosecutors Luciano de Faria Brasil and Fábio Roque Sbardeletto; they investigated the MST for one year.  The report used research from . . . notorious opponents of the movement, and another report from the Military Brigade, signed by commandant Waldir João Reis Cerutti, former candidate for state deputy for the Progress Party.

According to the prosecutors, the MST is a paramilitary organization, trained by the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Columbia (Forças Armadas Revolucionárias da Colômbia ­ FARC) and represents a threat to national security.

Unanimously, the Council of the Public Ministry of Rio Grande do Sul decided to initiate a series of measures for the “dissolution of the MST and declaration of its illegality.”

In order to reach this objective, the High Council of the State Public Ministry . . . formed a prohibition of any movement of landless, such as marches or walks.  It went out and conducted surveillance on encampments and leadership for “criminal practices”, such as squatting and the use of public funds.  It also interfered with the MST schools, including their pedagogical method.  And it worked to “close down” all of the encampments.

The decision of the State Public Ministry has already been put into practice since last year, when a landless workers’ march was kept from getting close to any of the towns in the Carazinho district.  Since the beginning of this year, the Military Brigade has taken very aggressive action at protests, without negotiations with the movements, wounding and arresting many people.

We are in the face of a greatest government and military conspiracy, since the end of the Brazilian military dictatorship, which is seeking to annihilate a social movement,” declared the lawyer Leandro Scalabrin, author of the accusations.  For the lawyer, the decision of the Public Ministry goes against the International Agreement about Civil and Political Rights and the Federal Constitution….

Documents from their own report contradict the evaluation of the prosecutors: an enquiry of the Federal Police, made between January and August of last year, verified that there is not “any connection with FARC nor is their even a foreigner in that place” and concluded that “crimes against the security of the State do not exist”.

In a press release, the State Coordination of the MST affirmed that Rio Grande do Sul has created an atmosphere of “threats to the freedoms gained at the end of the military dictatorship”.  The Coordination continues, “The content of the documents and the actual practice of these institutions represent a return to authoritarianism, to the disrespect of the Civil Society and the inability to respect social and political plurality.”

Source:  Brasil de Fato, June 26, 2008

Without proof, CPT lawyer is sentenced to 2 years in prison
by Michelle Amaral

Advocate and member of the national coordination of the Pastoral Land Commission [Comissão Pastoral da Terra ­ CPT], José Batista Gonçalves Afonso, was sentenced by the Federal Court of Marabá (PA) to a punishment of 2 year and five months in prison, together with a former regional coordinator of the Federation of Workers in Agriculture [Federação dos Trabalhadores na Agricultura ­ Fetagri].  The verdict was based on the accusation, presented by representatives of the Federal Public Ministry [Ministério Público Federal ­ MPF], that the accused allegedly incited an occupation of the headquarters of the Incra in Marabá, during a meeting that occurred between the state government and 120 leaders of associations and syndicates, representatives of Fetagri, of the Confederation of the Workers of Agriculture [Confederação dos Trabalhadores da Agricultura ­ Contag], of Movement of Landless Workers [MST] and the CPT.

Around ten thousand rural workers demanding the settlement of thousands of landless families encamped in the region and in order to report the precariousness of the existing settlements, [additionally] they were going to set up an encampment in front of the headquarters of the Incra in Marabá until they were received by the state government.  The meeting happened on April 4, 1999, twenty days after the workers had camped in the area, and because of the session’s delay, a multitude outside of the headquarters invaded the building, blocking the exit of the building from the negotiation team until the morning of the following day.  The lawyer, João Batista, was in the meeting as a consultant for MST and the Fetagri; he was charged together with various leaders despite having tried to mediate the conflict, accused of having incited the crowd to block the exit of the team from the Incra building.

The decision to imprison the lawyer by the Federal Court of Marabá, without recourse to an alternative penalty, angered the leaders of the social movements, among them the CPT, which released a statement that “the partiality of the judge Carlos Henrique Haddad became clear not only in the light of the verdict, but also in the length of the incarceration.”  The CPT complained that the decision of the judge contradicted his own statement, when he said: “it is possible that he did not incite the invasion of the headquarters of Incra by the rural workers and seems believable that he was not in control of the situation with the excited crowd”, and soon after [the judge] increased the penalty as if the accused was responsible for instigating the crime.

In an interview given to Brasil do Fato by Dom Tomás Balduíno, lawyer and member of the CPT, analyzing the decision of the Federal Court of Pará.

Brasil do Fato: ­ Was there sufficient proof for the Federal Court to condemn the CPT lawyer, José Batista, without recourse to an alternative sentence?  What is your evaluation of the sentence of the court?

Dom Tomás Balduíno: ­ There was not enough proof, because the reason given for the verdict was the occupation of Incra.  This is evidence of a form of trying justice that is a result of political forces, [Batista] did not impede the government, nor did he occupy the building.  Truly there is a prejudice against these organizations, in this case it’s the CPT, that is reason behind this verdict, which is not, incidentally, an isolated incident.  In the South there is a position taken by the Public Ministry of Rio Grande do Sul to criminalize the MST.  Added to this is the impunity of the chief assassin of the Sister Dorothy [Stang], . . . and the positions taken by many people in authority against organization of the indigenous people.  I think this is a retrograde attitude, which is not in keeping with what is going on now in Brazil, which compares well with all of Latin America, from wealth of the society and by participation in politics.  The thinking of the social organizations, in fact, reaches more of the country in terms of needed changes in society, justice and ecology.

Brasil do Fato: ­ What indication is the justice system giving to society by, on the one side condemning the defense lawyer of human rights and, on the other, absolving the one who orders a crime, as in the case of missionary Dorothy Stang?

 Balduíno:  ­ It is a contradiction because, on the one hand there is much complacency in relation to all of the economic power that is now investing to the detriment of the Amazon in the form of devastation, [it has gotten] to the point that the government is not able to control this, and on the other hand wanting to wipe out the whole force that emerges in defense of social justice, against slave labor, for the democratization of the land use and for the defense of Mother Nature, of forests and waters.

Brasil do Fato: ­ From the perspective of the social movements, what is the significance of the action of the Federal Court in the case of the lawyer José Batista?

Balduíno: ­ There are cases that become symbolic, such as these others cited from the MST and from its own process of impunity that is historical in the State of Pará .  Meanwhile, this represents a huge regression, perhaps worse than the military dictatorship, the exclusion of organizations from the public square of our civil society … by the forces that are in power.  The organizations are, appropriately, an expression of the great dignity of our republic.

Brasil do Fato: ­ There is the case in Rio Grande do Sul, where the Public Ministry has the declared objective of getting rid of the MST, what is causing this escalation of criminalization of the social movements that are active today?

Balduíno ­ This is a continuation of what already was being done on by the representatives of the some parts of society, the representatives of economic power.  We already were used to this attitude of criminalizing movements by the Democratic Union of Rural Landowners (UDR ­ União Democrática Ruralista), from rural representatives and, on the whole, by timber merchants, the owners of the huge dams and hydroelectric projects.  This was already starting to happen, and now what preoccupies us is that this will affect the government, which should be exempt and impartial, especially the judiciary.  The case of the condemnation of Batista, regarding the attitude of the Public Ministry of the Rio Grande do Sul, indicates the partiality.  And the case of the Public Ministry is even worse because it acts as an instrument at the service of the society, in defense of society, with the power it has been granted. There (in the case of Rio Grande do Sul), it is doing the political will of the State Government.

Source:  Brasil de Fato, June 27, 2008

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