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Brazil Justice Net

An alternative news source in Brazil,  building bridges to social movements working for a better world



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NEWS FROM BRAZIL
supplied by Brazil Justice Net
Number 612, June 23, 2009

In this week's News from Brazil:


Report confirms culture of violence and impunity in Brazil

The Committee of Economic, Social and Cultural Rights of the United Nations released a report on May 25 which showed there is a “culture of violence and impunity” which is deeply prevalent in Brazil.

The report is the result of the 42nd Session of the Committee, finished in the beginning of May, in Geneva.  With the presence of the minister of Human Rights, Paulo Vannuchi, and members of various branches of the Federal Government, the session evaluated the fulfillment of the International Pact regarding Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (PIDESC) by the nation of Brazil.  The country signed and adopted the pact in 1992.  The committee also received data from human rights organizations for the compilation of data for the report.

The twelve page report mentions the violations committed against the defenders of human rights by gunmen and private militias; many times they are sent by government agencies.  The Committee pointed out the failures of the Brazilian authorities to protect human rights defenders and their oversight of violating agencies.

“The report reflects the claims of civil society and the recommendations that we and other entities have already presented in our reports to the U.N.  Our objective, now, is to continue monitoring the actions of the government.  We have to accompany and observe the degree to which the country will carry out the recommendations,” said Tamara Melo, a lawyer for Global Justice (an NGO).

Tamara Melo [who was present at this session of the Committee] believes that the violation of economic, social and cultural rights is directly related to the increase in violence.”  The document recommends that Brazil quickly finish demarcating indigenous lands as a way to accelerate the process of agrarian reform in the country.  Although it recognizes a better level of living for the poor in general, the document still points out the inequalities between whites and blacks in terms of life expectancy, poverty, literacy and access to employment.

The committee analyzed, as well, the gender discrimination that persists in the country; the high rates of maternal deaths; and the lack of adequate medical care which effects marginalized communities disproportionately.

The report also recommended actions to combat slave labor, child labor, sexual abuse of children and adolescents, the guarantees of social security rights for domestic and informal workers, adoption of methods for the expansion and effectiveness of the Bolsa Familia program, protections for unions which are being persecuted, harassed and threatened with death.

The report emphasizes the absence, in Brazil, of a human right council that follows the Paris Principles (rules from the United Nations about the status of national institutions of human rights).  The Council for the Defense of Human Rights (CDDPH) is linked to the Federal Government and does not have its own budget or policies as recommended by the Paris Principles.  Brazil must submit information for the committee in 2014, when it will release a new report.

Source: Adital, May 26, 2009


MST workers are freed in Paraíba

The workers Osvaldo Soares Meira and Nilton Tavares de Araújo, members of the MST in Paraíba, were freed on June 4 after 34 days in prison.  The farmers were arrested and tortured in the early hours of May 1, when they made camp along with 60 families on the border of Fazenda Cabeça de Boi, located near the municipality of Pocinhos in the interior of the state.  They were violently evicted by the private militia of the property owner and by the military police.

The area claimed by the families was already declared part of the Agrarian Reform by presidential decree on December 4, 2008, and the MST was seeking an official deed and title for the land.    Meanwhile, in an interview with TV Paraíba, the owner, Maria do Rosário Rocha, confirmed that after the occupation of the area by the workers, she sought to reclaim the land in order to create a nature preserve on that land.  According to Vanúbia Oliveira, from the CPT of Campina Grande, “the farm land was for a long time abandoned, unproductive and the position of the owner was a clear reaction against the workers, against the social movements in the rural areas.”

Since the moment in which the workers were arrested and tortured, many human rights organizations made statements against the criminalization of the social movements and in support of the political prisoners of the MST, [in order] to act in solidarity with the workers of Paraíba.  The bishop of Campina Grande, Dom Jaime Vieira Rocha, visited the disputed area and the MST prisoners who were also accompanied by Pastoral Carcerária and others human rights agencies, in addition to support from the MST.  The case symbolized the violence and torture that are commonly used against families of the MST by private militias, military police and the judiciary.

According to Dilei Schiochet form MST Paraíba, “there is a clear case of an attempt to destroy the social movements in the rural areas, those that are struggling for the land.  The torture and imprisonment are ways to intimidate the workers. But, on the other hand, there is a lot of solidarity among the social movements and rural and urban organizations, which were involved since the beginning of the process, creating a unity that is still very strong on the political left.

History of the conflict

On the night of May 1st about sixty families linked to the MST made a settlement near the side of the Brazilian Highway 230 right next to the Fazenda Cabeça de Boi.  On that same night, a group of masked men under orders from the owner, Maria do Rosário Rocha, shot at the families, grabbing seven workers and torturing them.  The gunmen threw gasoline on them and threatened to burn them alive.  When the police arrived they took the captive workers.  Without having a court order for reclaiming ownership, the gunmen and the military police destroyed the encampment.  The state ombudsman for agrarian issues noted that the two imprisoned workers showed visible signs of physical abuse and burns.

The workers were freed from the Second Police Battalion in Campina Grande where they gave a statement.  Of the seven initially held, five were freed the following day.  Meanwhile, the judge of Comarca de Pocinhos, Adriana Maranhão Silva, ruled for pre-emptive imprisonment for the workers Osvaldo Soares Lira and Nilton Tavares de Araújo, alleging that they had threatened public safety.

On May 7, the lawyers filed a petition for Habeas Corpus with the state court and on May 19 they sought a repeal of the charges against the workers.  Now the workers will appear in court as plaintiffs – and free.

Source: Church’s Land Pastoral, June 5, 2009

The reproduction of this material is permitted as long as the source is cited. If you wish to contact us, send a message to bjn@braziljusticenet.org.


NEWS FROM BRAZIL
supplied by Brazil Justice Net
Number 611, June 9, 2009

In this week's News from Brazil:

State’s Omission Aggravates Violence in Espirito Santo Prison
By Patricia Benvenuti

On May 25th, the Justice Department of the state of Espirito Santo ordered the Viana (Cascuvi) House of Custody, located in the metropolitan region of Vitoria, to be closed.  No other prisoner may enter, and the nearly 1,200 current prisoners will need to be transferred to other units.

The closing of the jail, which has a 390-person capacity, was the result of inspections done in the last few weeks by members of the National Council of Justice (CNJ).  In their visit of Cascuvi, the judges noted that the buildings are decrepit and insecure, and that there are violations of human rights.

According to denouncements received by the National Council of Criminal Policy for Penitentiaries (CNPCP), the prisoners are constantly submitted to torture.  There have even been cases of body dismemberment.

The CNJ’s inspections revealed that the chaotic situation of Cascuvi involves not just this unit.  In the Department of Police Justice (DPJ) of Vila Velha, for example, 281 people share a cell with a capacity of 36 persons, while in the Novo Horizonte Prison, in the municipality of Serra in greater Vitoria, the prisoners are held in provisional “containers” which are used as cells.

Because of these situations, the CNPCP has solicited federal intervention.  Meanwhile, these denouncements come as no surprise to Fr. Gunther Alois Zgubic, the national coordinator of the church’s Prison Ministry.  In Zgubic’s view, the violence enacted on the prisoners is aggravated by the complicity of the authorities, who upon becoming aware of the violence, take no action.  “It is absolutely absurd.  It is a concentration camp.  You see photos of bodies in situations worse than a meat factory, horrible things, and the government looks and does absolutely nothing,” said Zgubic.

In the following interview, the priest talks about the disrespect given to the prisoners, the state’s neglect in relation to the violence, and the difficulties in denouncing the horrible conditions of the prisons.

Brasil de Fato (BF):  What is the situation of the prison system of Espirito Santo?

Fr. Gunther Alois Zgubic:  The prison system in Espirito Santo has already been denounced by human rights organizations, but finally has come to the public’s attention.  What is really happening in Espirto Santo?  Espirito Santo is traditionally the most violent and corrupt state in the country.  Its public institutions in the area of security, through pressure from society and maybe through federal intervention, are only now beginning to advance, and it is becoming a more democratic state and respecting the basic rights of their citizens.

BF:  What are the conditions of the prison units and the prisoners?

In the Cascuvi unit with more than a 1,000 prisoners--totally overcrowded conditions--the government refused to remodel the prison after a riot which destroyed much of the unit, including doors being yanked off.  The government said, “Since you destroy buildings, we are not going to invest in you.”  The government does not even know how many prisoners there are in the unit, and how many have been killed.  By law, there should be a daily count of prisoners, especially for prisoners who come from violent backgrounds, so that the prisoners do not end up killing each other.

Last year, for example, on an average of every two months, they found body parts.  This just happened again a few days ago.  Already eleven prisoners have been killed.  But nobody really knows how many other prisoners have been killed because the state denies entrance into these units.  The prisoners are alone, the government delivers the food to the gate, but no one goes in.  Who rules inside really are not the prison guards but the military police.  When prisoners are called up for trial, they are chained, go practically kneeling with the police pointing guns at their heads.

It is truly absurd, a concentration camp. You see photos of bodies in situations worse than a meat factory, horrible things, and the government looks and does absolutely nothing.  Or what they say is “we are building new prisons,” but do so very slowly, even though they admit the government has not cut funding, contrary to other policies.  It is a case of utter chaos.  There are decades of social debt.  So the government should invest, and remove people, and put guards inside so that the few that are in organized crime, terrorizing the other 1000 prisoners, may no longer have power.

BF:  In your evaluation, is this a case of neglect on the part of the state?

It is a case of total neglect not only in regard to this prison.  We also have the cases of the infamous “container” prisons, two stories high and no running water and other deplorable conditions.  The state is showing that it is building, but for years the problems have not been resolved.  And there are other cases.  Not long ago, there was a case we denounced involving a member of the military police, who was a torturer, a drunk and a drug addict.  He organized drug trade, and illegally maintained adolescents in the old prison of Colatina.  He beat the kids.  And nobody did anything.  The employees of the Secretary of Justice say to me, “Padre, we can’t do our job because the military police have illegally imposed their rule.”  A state which is not capable of providing minimal conditions, in this case the prison system, needs intervention and monitoring from national and even international authorities.

So we are happy that the CNPCP has highlighted the denouncements and the documentation, which includes photos, that show the challenges and will take the issue up with General Procurator of the Republic.  We from the Prison Ministry are also going to do a national campaign from our bases so that this will become a federal case.

BF:  Why did it take authorities so long to make a decision regarding the prison system in Espirito Santo?  Do you believe that the situation wasn’t getting the attention it deserved?

On the part of the media, yes.  There are many states where the media is simply a slave to the elite.  So to denounce something in Espirito Santo is nearly impossible.  In order for this case, this scandal, to become known in Espirito Santo and nationally, we need the press from Sao Paulo, or Rio de Janeiro, or Brasilia.  So you see what we have is a pseudo-democracy.  Clearly, it is not morals that will resolve certain policies.  What this case needs is intervention and help in establishing a basic or minimal quality of life that a states needs to be considered democratic and just.  We have another case where a judge hired someone to kill another judge who refused to be a part of the drug trafficking and the organized corruption of the penal system.  So what happened?  The judge was caught and given an alternative sentence.  A judge who through organized crime kills a fellow judge, who was someone who could have helped us who want an ethical legal system....  This shows that the Espirto Santo legal system and other institutions do not have power.  If organized crime rules it is because humans rights are not even minimally respected.

Source:  Brasil de Fato, May 28, 2009

NEWS FROM BRAZIL
supplied by Brazil Justice Net
Number 610, May 25, 2009

In this week's News from Brazil:

The Acaua Dam:  Tragedy and Violation of Human Rights
Transposition of the Sao Francisco River Like Computer Full of Viruses, states Dom Cappio

The Acaua Dam:  Tragedy and Violation of Human Rights

Until the end of the 1990's, 4,500 rural families lived on the banks of the Paraiba River.  They lived in humble but dignified conditions.  Their houses were made of adobe, they ate what they planted on the fertile soil, they got their water from the river, and they had access to education, health and recreation--public services available to them in the municipalities of Itatuba, Natube and Aroeiras in the state of Paraiba.  This until the federal and state governments decided to dam up the river in order to make a reservoir.  This changed the lives of these families forever.  And it is easy to say if it was for the better or not.

Today in Brazil there are no laws which define and establish the rights of those who are affected by the building of dams.  There is not even a public office charged with issuing payments for land and resettling those who homes and lives are destroyed.  Thus, there are many cases of injustice and violation of human rights in the process of installing a dam.  The case of the Acaua Dam is one of the worst in the country.

The families who were affected by the construction of the dam were moved to "agrovilas," which really were villas without the agriculture.  The villa is simply a set of identical houses placed in what is essentially a desert, lacking the most basic conditions for decent human living--there are no public services nor is there means by which the families can return to their productive lives.  MAB (Movement of those Affected by Dams) has denounced the situation to officials, and according to Osvaldo Bernando da Silva, the MAB state coordinator in Paraiba, the families are not even able to plant and have come to depend on government food for survival: "The only way the people have been able to survive is through persistence.  After various protests and public audiences, MAB was able to secure government food and cisterns for the families."

The government's Special Defense Commission for Human Rights visited the resettlement project of those affected by the Acaua Dam last year, and presented a report confirming the denouncements MAB had made.  They suggested emergency measures to be taken by the federal and state governments.  Until today, not one measure has been taken.

The Federal Public Ministry of Paraiba has placed a civil law suit against the Union for not conferring means of livelihood that the inhabitants had possessed before the dam.  "This situation, of thousands of people being thrown into these housing projects in the middle of nowhere, making it impossible for them to engage in any productive activity, urgently demands the adoption of measures that may support the most elementary of necessities (food, school, pre-school, public health, public transportation, public security, recreation) for those being relocated until the governmental obligation to confer to these families a sustainable means of living is completed," argued the Public Ministry.

Acaua is not an isolated case.  In all states, those affected by dams are at the mercy of the dam company owners who are interested only in profit and not human rights.  In Acaua, there is much tension over the many injustices suffered.  But those families have not given up, and are ready to struggle for their rights.

Source:  Jornal do MAB, April 2009

Transposition of the Sao Francisco River Like Computer Full of Viruses, states Dom Cappio

by Marcelo Netto Rodrigues

On May 9th, Bishop dom Luiz Flavio Cappio received the Kant World Citizen Award from the Kant Foundation in Germany.  The award, given every two years to persons who are acknowledged human rights defenders, is the second international recognition given to the bishop in recognition of his work against the redirecting of the Sao Francisco River.  Cappio conceded the following interview with Brasil de Fato:

Brasil de Fato (BF):  You came to Germany to receive the World Citizen Award.  Last year, you were given an award from an organization based in Belgium.  Do you believe that it is possible to make the transposition of the Sao Francisco an international campaign?

Dom Luiz Flavio Cappio (DC):  Since the time we did the two fasts, this campaign already became known throughout the world.  We have received tremendous solidarity from many countries.  These awards are evidence of this.  Pax Christi, which is present in 54 countries, and the Kant Foundation here in Germany, have themselves taken up this cause in defense of the poorest people of the Brazilian Northeast.

BF:  A confrere of yours here in Germany said that your two fasts had at least two practical results:  first, the fasts stripped off the mask of a so-called popular government when a fork in the road was placed before the government and they opted for the other path; and second, the fasts made the CNBB (Conference of Brazilian Bishops) return to their agenda of a preferential option for the poor.  What else do you see as effects of the fasts?

DC:  Yes, besides these two aspects, I see a growing consciousness of the river folk, of the Brazilian nation, and of the world regarding the problem which was once so rarely discussed.  Another great victory was the unification of all of those who struggled for this cause.  Suddenly we saw indigenous, people from quilombos, academics, politicians all together, aligning themselves with this spirit of struggle, of the churches, of the movements.

BF:  Everything seems to indicate that President Lula will not be able to declare by the end of his presidency that he completed the transposition.  Do you really believe that he will arrive at the end of his presidency without the work being completed?

DC:  I don't believe this project will be completed.  No way do I believe it.  I always compare the transposition project to a computer full of viruses.  When you have an infected computer, eventually it comes to a moment when it just stops.  This project is so full of irregularities that suddenly it is going to freeze up.  There is no way it can move forward.  I don't believe it will reach the end.  And it won't satisfy Lula's vanity. 

BF:  Do you still expect something from the Lula government?

DC:  Well, I can't say that I hope for anything.  I can say that I did hope, I used to hope.  For this reason I struggled, I sweated so that the government would return to the best interests of the people.  And suddenly, we realized that the Lula government became hostage of the rich, of big transnational projects.  I was disappointed.  Today, I don't hope for anything more from the government, and I don't see a time of change in the government.  I wish it to be better.

BF:  Gandhi did nine fasts.  Have you completely ruled out the possibility of having one more fast?

DC:  I have not the slightest pretense of comparing myself to Gandhi.  But I think the fast has already achieved its objective.  It has already given a shout, and those who should hear have already heard.  I think the message has been sent.

Source:  Brasil de Fato, May 18, 2009

The reproduction of this material is permitted as long as the source is cited. If you wish to contact us, send a message to bjn@braziljusticenet.org.


NEWS FROM BRAZIL
supplied by Brazil Justice Net
Number 609, May 11, 2009

In this week's News from Brazil:

Transnationals:  New Elements for Old Land Crimes

The large landowners used to rule, but today in their place are the big corporations who are behind concentration of land ownership and violence in the rural areas.

By Patrícia Benvenuti,

An ambush on April 16th, 2009, carried out by agents of a private security company left 7 rural workers wounded on the Espirito Santo Ranch in the municipality of Xinguara, Para.  Armed with high-powered weapons, the private security force shot at members of the MST (Movement of rural workers Without Land) who since February have been encamped in the area.

The incident was almost a repeat of another massacre—Eldorado dos Carajas, which by coincidence also occurred in Para on almost the same day, April 17th (1996).  On that day, 19 MST members were killed and dozens more wounded after a conflict with the Military Police who were trying to control the protestors.

The recent assassination attempts in Xinguara demonstrates that the violence, with new characteristics, committed in Eldorado dos Carajas continues.  According to the most recent study “Conflicts in the Brazilian Countryside,” released by the CPT (the Catholic Church’s Land Commission) on April 28, conflicts continue to be a constant factor for millions of rural workers, indigenous peoples, quilombolas [descendants of runaway slaves] and other rural populations.

New Faces, Old Practices

In addition to the recurring violence in rural areas which already seems to be part of the structural formation of the country, the advancement of big economic conglomerates in the competition for land gives way to new forms of violence.

If in the past ranchers used the service of gunmen, this work today is more in the hands of private security companies who act as the real hit men in defending properties.  So “big international companies end up adopting the practices of [the old] ‘colonel’ system, contracting private militia,” said Jucilino Jose Strozake, a lawyer for the MST.

In the Amazon, this practice is actually being recommended by members of public offices.  “Farm groups and the CNA (Confederation of Agriculture and Livestock of Brazil), through Senator Katia Abreu, and other pro-farm officials have consistently told farmers that the have to hire private security and protect at all costs their lands,” said Jose Batisat Afonso, lawyer and member of the CPT.

To the contrary of what should be, hiring these security firms instead of gunmen does not mean improvement nor more transparency in relation to the violence in rural areas.  According to Afonso, the majority of these firms do not even have their own regulations.  This makes it difficult, for example, to control the actual number of weapons that each company possesses.  Besides this, the lack of oversight allows for the possibility of contracting gunmen to move people off properties.  Far from disuse, the practice of hired gunmen is still popular, especially in the north of the country

“A company sometimes has X number of legally contracted security guards, and in these actions, they also include gunmen totally from the outside.  This should necessitate a direct investigation of the Federal Police regarding these practices,” said Afonso.

The Focus on the Amazon

In spite of the fact that all Brazilian regions have elevated indices of concentration of land ownership and consequently violence, in the Amazon the situation is most alarming.  According to the CPT study, in 2008, 47% of the conflicts occurred in the Amazon, and more than half of these conflicts directly affected traditional communities.  In addition, 72% of all of the assassinations happened in this region—in Para alone were 13 of the 28 assassinations.

In Afonso’s opinion, the increase of violence in the Amazon is evidently linked to the new actors in the Brazil land stage:  international businesses and large conglomerates.  If in the past the large land holdings were represented by the figure of the “coronel,” this role is now occupied by big economic groups who continue to acquire land for the expansion of their capital.

The focus is on the Amazon because of the vast natural resources the region possesses, especially given the fact that prices of products such as soy, beef, and minerals are rising in the international market.  “Without a doubt, the intensification of the livestock market, the expansion of monocultures such as soy, and the mining operations have provoked a wave of violence in the direction of the resources of the Amazon,” commented Afonso.
 
An example of this is the group Opportunity, owned by banker Daniel Dantas who alone bought nearly 500,000 hectares in the south of Para in only two years.  The case of Opportunity also serves to illustrate the irregular acquisition of public lands in the region.  Currently there is a lawsuit pending for the cancellation of the sale of the Espirito Santo Ranch.  The title to the lands, which belong to the state of Para, were illegally given to the Multran family.  In the state of Para alone, more than 6,000 land titles are registered with irregularities, according to Iterpa (Institute of Lands in Para).  These titles represent 110 million hectares of land, some of which illegally possessed.

A Look at Traditional Communities

Taking a closer look at the violence against traditional populations, according to the CPT study, in 2007, these communities represented 41% of those involved in land conflicts in Brazil.  In 2008, these this index rose to 53%, reducing the percentage of those involved in landless movements who were until then the principal targets of violence.   Specifically in the Amazon, traditional communities today represent 65.4% of those involved in conflicts, showing the greed that capital has for new areas.  “Populations such as river folk, indigenous, and quilombolas are seeing their lands being invaded, destroyed and will suffer the effects of contamination of these big investors who are taking away the lands of these people who have lived here for a long time,” asserted Afonso. 

Besides traditional populations, the violence also affects people who move to the Amazon with the promise of jobs offered by companies doing big construction projects.  Here, Afonso also criticizes the federal government in its PAC (Program for Accelerated Growth), which has contributed to the migration of poor families, especially from the Northeast.  “In the region, for example, of the south and southeast of Para, the migration is happening because of the mining projects begun by Companhia Vale, and by the damming projects that are a part of PAC in the interests of these big economic groups.  When they arrive, not having any alternatives, the migrants become part of either two movements, either the occupation of urban lands or the occupation or rural lands. [which inevitably will involve conflict]”

Regional Differences

Although the forms of violence change from region to region, the assassination of leaders,  evictions, attacks by militia, use of slave labor and other violations of human rights are present in all states.  What differs is the degree of violence, which is much higher in regions where capital has interests, as is currently the case with the Amazon.  “Where there is capital, which in some ways is undoubtedly consolidated in the South-Central and South of the country, there is violence, but less [in these regions] because these are regions where capital already has control of almost all of the land,” asserted Afonso.

Economic interests are also a factor which can influence how the military police, commanded by the state governments, act.  For Strozake, these interests explain why some police forces can be more violent that others.  In the state of Para, for example, under the leadership of state governor Ana Julia Carepa (Workers’ Party), the military police now attempts to handle conflicts in a less aggressive fashion.  But in Rio Grande do Sul, under the leadership of governor Yeda Crusius, violence has increased against rural workers’ organizations and movements.  “It depends greatly on who is leading the state.  If it is someone who is subservient to the interests of big business or large landowners, the military police also begins to act as the armed force of the local economic powers,” commented Strozake.

Source:  Brasil de Fato, May 7, 2009

The reproduction of this material is permitted as long as the source is cited. If you wish to contact us, send a message to bjn@braziljusticenet.org.